Introduction. Emotions are fundamental to the human experience, shaping our interactions, identities, and understanding of the world around us. In every culture, emotional concepts serve as lenses through which individuals interpret their feelings and navigate social relationships. Uzbek culture, with its rich tapestry of history, traditions, and values, presents a unique framework for understanding how emotions are expressed and experienced. By examining these emotional concepts within their cultural context, we gain valuable insights into the Uzbek worldview. Understanding how emotions are articulated and valued in Uzbekistan allows us to appreciate the intricate ways in which they shape identity and community. This exploration not only contributes to the field of cultural psychology but also highlights the importance of recognizing and respecting diverse emotional frameworks in our increasingly interconnected world. Through this study, we aim to illuminate the profound role that emotions play in defining what it means to be part of Uzbek society, ultimately revealing the universal yet culturally specific nature of human emotional experience. As a subject of practical and theoretical activity, a person interacts with the surrounding world. The emotional experiences that arise in relation to the environment form the domain of emotions. A key condition for the emergence of emotions is human collective activity and socialization. Socialization affects the development of group psychology.

Literature review. Emotions are primarily a psychological phenomenon, which is why they are considered the object of study in psychology. Emotions have been studied by Western psychologists such as M. Arnold, P. Ekman, K. Izard, N. Frijda, J. Gray, W. James, O. Mower, K. Oatley, W. McDowell, P. Johnson-Laird, J. Panksepp, R. Plutchik, S. Tomkins, J. Watson, B. Weiner, and others. These psychologists have classified emotions based on various criteria. According to the psychological classification, emotions can be divided into basic and peripheral categories. The criteria for basicality include:

1. a) the lexical dominant status of words that represent concepts;
2. b) the time of emergence and use of words related to psychological experiences;
3. c) the use of specific emotional nominators;
4. d) the semiological status of nominators;
5. e) the use and association index of emotional nominators in the language.

According to P. Ekman, the following are basic emotions: happiness, sadness, anger, fear, disgust, surprise, and contempt [https://www.psychologos.ru/articles/view/bazovye-emoci]. According to K. Izard, the following are basic emotions: pleasure (joy), interest (excitement), surprise (fear), sorrow (pain), anger (rage), fear (terror), disgust (aversion), and shame (humiliation). Emotions are often understood as a purely sensory or psychological experience, and research on the semantics and conceptual structure of emotions has often been overlooked. In the 1970s, interest in emotions grew rapidly, and linguists began to explore the issue of identifying fundamental human emotions. It became clear that words used to express emotions in a specific language do not necessarily have universal status. As noted above, research comparing emotions in different languages has shown that emotions such as anger, happiness, sorrow, and fear are considered universal phenomena [1: 33]. Of course, the universality of emotions does not deny their cultural specificity. In each linguistic-cultural community, the emotional states of Homo sapiens are described in different ways, and it is known that the nature of universal emotions, in certain situations, manifests itself in individuals based on existing cultural norms. In world linguistics, the expression of emotions in language has been studied from various perspectives (Babenko 1989; Wierzbicka 1997, Krasavsky 2001; Fomina 1996; Shakhovsky 1988; Buck 1984; Buller 1996; Zillig 1982, and others). Verbal expressions of emotions (in the form of lexemes and fixed expressions) are of particular importance for linguists. This is because they serve as tools for the emergence, development, comprehension, and retention of thoughts, and they preserve a wealth of national cultural information. A. Wierzbicka studied how the conceptualization of emotional domain units is shaped in each linguo-cultural community, based on examples from English, Polish, Japanese, and Russian [2:119-179]. N. Krasavskiy revealed the expression of emotional concepts in Russian and German linguo-cultures through comparative analysis [3:29].

The non-verbal form of emotion (depicted through human affects, emotional states, and experiences via facial expressions and various gestures) embodies actionality. Emotions are divided into two classes:

 emotive (explicant) linguistic signs that are objectivized and affective and rational linguistic signs that are objectivized as epistemological.

Methods and analysis. Emotional phraseological concepts are classified from a pragmatic-semasiological perspective into three classes: phraseological nominants, phraseological descriptors, and phraseological explicants. In phraseological units with complex structures that indirectly represent reality, the semantic process of reinterpreting reality involves connotative and emotive features. In phraseological naming, phenomena of civilization and culture at a specific stage of a linguo-cultural community’s development are verbalized, revealing specific cognitive experiences and unique features of their worldview explicitly.

The linguo-cultural analysis of indirect naming enables us to uncover the motivational basis and cultural specifics of names transferred from one object to another.

Before studying the national specificity and conceptualization processes of emotions, it is appropriate to clarify certain concepts. Emotion (from Latin emoveo – “I move,” “I stir up”) is a psychological process of medium duration that reflects a subjective evaluative attitude toward existing or potential situations and the objective world (https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki).

The subjectivity of evaluation highlights the ethno-specificity of emotions’ conceptualization. Emotions are expressed with specific lexemes across different linguo-cultures. These linguistic signs naturally exhibit certain distinctive features, which become evident during comparative linguistic analysis.

“Emotional” refers to something related to emotions or feelings and expresses emotion or sentiment. “Emotionality” is defined as an emotional feature or characteristic, or possessing such a feature [4:37]. “Emotiveness” is understood as the linguistic characterization of entire texts or speech tools capable of evoking corresponding emotions and creating an emotional effect in the recipient [4:185].

1. Wierzbicka attempted to describe emotions and emotional states using cognitive models based on scenarios and prototypical scripts that do not explicitly name emotions but rely on intuitive terms (e.g., “to know,” “to see,” “to feel”). She demonstrated that prototypical scripts of linguistic emotions, preserving such primitives, present knowledge, motivation, and emotion as an integral representational format, making this approach quite promising.

To clearly demonstrate the national uniqueness of emotional concepts within a single language, it is essential to study both lexical units and phraseological units in an integrated manner. In this context, phraseologisms with associative-imagery characteristics in their internal form hold significant importance. The internal form is described as “the image associated with the semantic plane of the phraseologism, and the figurative basis of the phraseologism’s meaning as understood by the speakers, formed by its constituent words or morphemes” [5:134].

The national-cultural specificities of phraseological units make them a highly valuable object of linguo-cultural research and an essential part of world language modeling (WLM). The connection of language with the nature of an ethnic group is intertwined with the verbalization of emotions, linking them closely to the unique characteristics of an ethnic group’s national character. Emotions in phraseological units exhibit polarity, reflecting the subject’s positive or negative psycho-emotional state and the emotive attitude towards the object expressed in the meaning of the phraseologism. Human emotions not only reflect feelings but also represent intellectual and cognitive processes, indicating that emotions possess a highly complex conceptual structure. The emergence, development, and manifestation of emotions involve physical systems, including perception, physiological reactions, intellect, thought, and speech. The transfer of names from physical world objects and natural phenomena to human physiology, and subsequently to the mental realm, is one of the most productive methods of naming objective and subjective fragments of the world. Phraseological naming has image-situative motivation and is directly linked to the worldview of the people. Situations are evaluated as positive or negative according to the standards and stereotypes present in the reality in which humans live.

Results. Phraseological units themselves serve as cultural stereotypes, transmitting the worldview and cultural-national traditions specific to a people from generation to generation. This is especially evident in proverbs, which embody all categories and principles of a people’s life philosophy in the form of maxims.

The lexeme "anger," expressing the concept of "anger," originates from the Arabic word meaning "intense bitterness, wrath." Wrath signifies "coercion, forcing" [6:545]. It refers to an emotional reaction against inappropriate behavior or events, and the expression of such a feeling. The lexemes jahl (ignorance), achchiq (bitterness), qahr (wrath), and zarda (fury) are considered synonyms of the lexeme "anger".  The antonyms of these lexemes are not recorded in the dictionaries. "Anger" is the opposite of agreement; it essentially means "intensity" or "strength." Arabs refer to intense fury as "ghazba." Anger also derives from this, signifying an outburst of intense wrath [7:413]. However, in situations where an individual’s anger is provoked by actions contrary to moral and ethical rules of religion, it would be considered ignorance not to be angry. This reveals the ambivalence of the concept of anger.

The state of anger leads to psychophysiological changes in the human body. In the 18th century, the Prussian physician H. Gefaland wrote: "Among the influences that shorten life, fear, sorrow, sadness, boredom, mental depression, envy, anger, and hatred hold a significant place." I. Mechnikov emphasized that intense anger often leads to ruptured blood vessels, the onset of diabetes, and cataracts [8:123]. In Old Turkic, the lexeme "anger" was expressed with the word öpke, which refers to the lungs: "o‘pka – anger; its name comes from the fact that anger originates in the lungs. This usage of the word is likely derived from the place of its origin" [9:65]. The frequently used phrase "squeeze your lungs" supports this point. In M. Koshgari’s Devon-u Lug‘ati-t-Turk, the following lines indicate that the location of anger is in the chest and it is compared to fire: "Erän arΐğ ürpäšür, Öčin, kekin irtäšür. Saqal tutup tartΐšur, Köksi ara ot tutar" (Men would look angrily to take revenge, wanting to take revenge. In their chests, the fire of anger would burn, their beards pulling at their grip) [10:101]. Koshgari also notes that the word ot (fire) has meanings of poison and venom. If we consider the association of anger with fire ("like fire"), it becomes clear that this emotion is conceptually connected to toxic substances. Several Uzbek aphorisms emphasize the negative consequences of angry actions: "Excessive anger leads to savagery, and untimely acts of kindness tarnish one’s reputation" (A.R. Beruni); "The consequences of anger bring regret, and the angry person makes mistakes in their actions" (Yusuf Khos Hojib).

 The antonyms of the lexeme "anger" are not listed in the dictionaries, but based on the articles involved in the research, conceptual antonyms have been identified from cognitive signs: calmness as the antidote to anger – silence; add reason to your mind, patience to your anger; wisdom overcomes bitterness; every bitterness has its own cure.

The semantic models of phrasal verbs (PUs) expressing the meaning of "anger" are divided into the following categories:

1. Change in facial color and appearance due to anger: frowning, turning pale, etc. қовоғидан қор ёғмоқ, ранги бўзариб кетмоқ ва ҳок. «Ранги бўзариб кетган, энтиккан Салимжон нафаси титраб: - Тўғри ўтиринг, бўйнингиз қийшайиб қолади! – деди. Наимжон унинг нима деганини эшитмаган бўлса ҳам важоҳатини кўриб, рашқ қилганини фаҳмлади-ю, қаттиқ хижолат бўлди» [Абдулла Қаҳҳор, Муҳаббат]
2. Anger expressed through affectation: Муборакхоним шунга маҳтал эди, бирдан жазаваси тутиб, оғзидан кўпиклар сочди: «Кет-чи, кет!» деб Муҳайёни итариб ташлади» [Абдулла Қаҳҳор, Муҳаббат]"Muborakhonim was taken by it, and suddenly, she started foaming at the mouth: ‘Go, go!’ she pushed Muhayoxon away" [Abdulla Qahhor, Muhabbat].
3. Boiling process associated with anger: қони қайнамоқ, зардаси қайнамоқ;
4. Apocalyptic-preventive condition of anger нафаси бўғзига тиқилмоқ, кўз олаймоқ ва ҳок. «Унинг кўзлари олайиб ўрнидан сапчиб турди» [Hoshimov. Tushda kechgan umrlar, 213].
5. Zoonomic comparison indicating anger: сочлари типпа-тик бўлиб кетмоқ.
6. Expansion of eye pupils due to anger: кўзларининг пахтаси чиқмоқ; кўзлари қинидан чиқиб кетаёзмоқ; кўзи ёнмоқ ва ҳок. «— Машина бермаса  бермасин,  бари  бир  бораман!— деди  Содиқ  ғазабдан  кўзлари  чақнаб.  Бу  асабийликдан боши  зирқираб  кетди,  қўллари  билан  икки  чаккасини чангаллади» [Шухрат, 1980:395]
7. Using offensive words in speech when angry: жаҳлинг чиқса сўкинма, сўкингандан сўнг ўкинма;

Disruption of normal anatomical-physiological functions: асабига тегмоқ; асаби бузилмоқ

In Uzbek linguoculture, anger is associated with the following:

1. a) Fire: олов билан: олов бўлиб кетмоқ; лов этиб кетмоқ; ўтдайин тутанмоқ ва ҳок. «Азнзхон унинг  гапларига  қулоқ  солмас,  кўзларидан ўт  чақнаб,  ғазаб  оташида  куйиб-ёниб  югурар  эди» [S.Ahmad. Ufq, 241], «Арзимаган  баҳона  билан  икки  киши  ғижиллашиб қолди. Униси  ҳам  ўзича  ҳақ, буниси  ҳам.  Индамай турсангиз  жанжал  катталашиб  кетадиган.  Шунда  эсли  бир  одам  ўртага  тушиб, айтади:  «Ҳай-ҳай-ҳай, тобуткашсизлар-а,  барака  топкўрлар,  бир  гапдан  қолинглар», дейди.  Ёниб  турган  олов  ўша  заҳоти  ўчади» [Hoshimov, 2015:42] etc.
2. b) With artifact: жаҳл – пичоқ, ақл – таёқ;
3. c) With boiling process: қони қайнамоқ; ғазаб билан қайнаган қон зарар билан тинади;
4. d) With natural phenomena: қовоғидан қор ёғмоқ. In fact, this phrase is based on the comparison of this phenomenon with the darkening of the sky. «шу ахборотни эшитдим-у, ичимда қуюн пайдо бўлди» (taken from interview)
5. аччиғи қистамоқ
6. аччиқ қамчи урмоқ

• аччиқ устида; жаҳл устида

1. ғазабдан тушмоқ; жаҳлдан тушмоқ
2. ғазабни жиловламоқ

Textual analyses also show that the feeling of anger conceptualizes through the "horse" image (see Appendix No. ...): «Мунча  ғазаб отига  минмаса  бу «оталар»  ва  «опалар?»» [Hoshimov, 2015:69], «Куёви  йўлга чиқаётганларида  жуда  ғазабга  минган,  Азизхон  учраб қолгудек  бўлса  ғажиб  ташлайдиған  бир  аҳволда  эди» [S.Ahmad. Ufq, 134]  etc.

When analyzing the verb component of phrases expressing anger, the "liquid" image was formed in the ethnocultural linguistic consciousness:

1. ғазаби қайнамоқ
2. ғазабини ютмоқ

• зардаси қайнамоқ

1. қони қайнамоқ

In literary texts, we can observe further evidence of the above idea (see Appendix No. ...): "«Акбарали отнн  жилдиролмаганидан  ғазаби  тошди,  эпчиллпк  билан  этигининг  қўнжини  пайпаслаб  пичоғини  топди» [S.Ahmad. Ufq, 176], «Диловархўжа  қўрбоши  шу  саволга  муҳтож  бўлиб тургандек,  ғазаби  қайнаб,  купури  ошиб,  гапира кетди» [Shuhrat., 1980:161] etc.

In author-created phrases by Uzbek writers, anger is compared to a musical instrument – the "string" – and the tense state of the string reflects the tense state of the person’s anger:

«Марғуба қовурилган жигарни келтириб ўртага қўйди, меҳмонларнинг олдига қошиқ қўяр экан, Анварнинг олдига қошиқни жаранглатиб ташлади. Унинг сохта табассумидан кўз атрофига йиғилган ажин, пирпираган юпқа лаблари, овқатга манзират қилганида титраган товуши тори таранг эканини кўрсатар эди» (Abdulla Kahhor, Muhabbat).

In another case, the great writer compares anger to toothache. This comparison is not unfounded, as toothache primarily causes a throbbing headache:

«Анвар қайтиб келганда аммаси асабий кайфиятда титроқ нафас чиқариб, чой пуфлар эди. ... Ғазаб вужудини тиш оғриғидай қақшатаётган Анвар бирон дағал гап айтиб қўймаслик учун дарров жавоб бермади» (Abdulla Kahhor, Muhabbat)

Conclusion.  Overall, in the Uzbek linguocultural community, the feeling of anger is linked with the archetypes of fire and water (liquids). Apart from the images mentioned above, it is also conceptualized through the image of an angry animal (e.g., a dog): «Куёви  йўлга чиқаётганларида  жуда  ғазабга  минган,  Азизхон  учраб қолгудек  бўлса  ғажиб  ташлайдиған  бир  аҳволда  эди» [S.Ahmad. Ufq, 134], «Муборакхоним шунга маҳтал эди, бирдан жазаваси тутиб, оғзидан кўпиклар сочди: «Кет-чи, кет!» деб Муҳайёни итариб ташлади» [Abdulla Kahhor, Muhabbat]. The form of trembling observed in people in a state of anger, though not found in the phrases of this study, can still be seen in literary texts: бадиий матнларда ўз ифодасини топган: «Азизхон  ғазабидан  титраб-қақшаб  унинг  дуч  келган жойига  мушт  тушира  бошлади» [S.Ahmad. Ufq, 178],

 « -Кайфинг  бор-ку!— деди  ғазабдан  титраб» [Shuhrat, 1980:124]. «Ранги бўзариб кетган, энтиккан Салимжон нафаси титраб: -Тўғри ўтиринг, бўйнингиз қийшайиб қолади! – деди» [Abdulla Kahhor, Muhabbat]

Among emotions, only joy holds a positive evaluation and is derived from the verb "quv," which in ancient Turkic meant "happiness" [O‘TEL 2000:570]. Joy is described as a feeling of happiness, delight, and a state of good mood; it is explained as happiness and cheerfulness. The antonyms of joy are sorrow, grief, sadness, and pain. It is also used as a noun for people. In medicine, it is recognized that joy has a positive effect on people’s genetic age. This hypothesis is reflected in the fixed expressions of the Uzbek language: laughter adds life to you; you grow old with anger, but live with laughter.

The following semantic models were differentiated according to the cognitive characteristics of "joy" phrases:

1. Changes in the external parts of the body indicating the state of joy: боши осмонда; боши кўкга етди; оғзи қулоғида;
2. Changes in the internal organs indicating the state of joy: боши осмонда; боши кўкга етди; оғзи қулоғида;
3. Artifacts thrown upwards to indicate joy: дўпписини осмонга отмоқ, дўпписни яримта қилиб;
4. The increase in the number of livestock indicating joy: қўйи мингга етмоқ;
5. Facial changes indicating joy: тишини оқини кўрсатмоқ; чеҳраси очилмоқ; чеҳраси ярқираб кетди; оғзининг таноби (боғичи) қочмоқ; кўзи ёнмоқ;
6. Weightlessness of the body indicating joy: қушдек енгил бўлмоқ;
7. Expansion of the body indicating joy: хурсанд бўлганидан терисига сиғмай кетмоқ, севинчи ичига сиғмаслик;
8. The spirit entering the body indicating joy: жон кирмоқ;
9. An unstable state indicating joy: ўзини қаерга қўйишни билмаслик;
10. Expansion of the body indicating joy: хурсанд бўлганидан терисига сиғмай кетмоқ, севинчи ичига сиғмаслик;
11. An unstable state indicating joy: ўзини қаерга қўйишни билмаслик;
12. A state approaching death from a high degree indicating joy: шодимарг бўлаёзмоқ.

Some phrases in the joy group have a diffusive nature. They reflect both joy and fear, or sorrow, such as " юраги қоқ ёрила ёзмоқ.." Causative element phrases aim to evoke a state of joy in others.

The heart’s joy functions as a container in the spatial sense. The cleanliness of the container (the heart should not retain dust), its brightness (the heart or soul shining), and its fullness (the heart becoming full) all express the emotion of joy. If we view the heart and lungs as physiological organs acting as containers in the last case, their being full represents moments of anxiety and sorrow: the heart becomes full; the lungs become full; the cry of the heart when full is overwhelming.